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Two, after many years of heated debate, nuclear weapons are to remain part of the NATO arsenal in Europe.

I liken Warsaw last week to Washington in the spring of 1947, when Truman’s advisers and Senate allies determined it was time to sell the public a permanent wartime economy and a national security state.

National decline is not inevitable, I continue to insist, but it is made of wrong turns such as this. S., Britain, Germany and Canada will each station a rotating battalion in a front-line state.

That, indeed, is among Cold War I’s greatest lessons: In what we take to be our moment of triumph we find defeat. Cyberwar now falls under NATO’s purview; the alliance will support the European Union’s effort to police human trafficking across the Mediterranean. These are respectively Poland, Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia.

We now know what he will hand his successor, and it is long on mess, short on success.

Once again, an outgoing president surrenders ground by leaving unexplored nearly all opportunity for authentic progress toward sound, 21 century policies abroad.

“Rather, we’re putting dialogue alongside our defense readiness.” Steinmeier spoke for many—the French, the Finns, the Italians among them.

In consequence, the summit scheduled a NATO–Russia Council meeting that is to convene as early as this week.As with Stoltenberg’s remarks, just the opposite was the case.“We don’t want a Cold War,” Frank–Walter Steinmeier, Germany’s thoughtful foreign minister, said at a press conference as the summit concluded.Nothing too complicated: The man doth protest too much is my simple read.All four of Stoltenberg’s staccato assertions are 180 degrees upside down: NATO is purposely provoking Moscow (so as to call Moscow provocative); it famously misses the Cold War’s clarity and is desperate to recreate it; ditto the profits deriving from an arms race, and confrontation is the very plot device driving NATO’s Cold War II narrative.One, while talk of Cold War II has been common for several years, as of last week it is official policy in Washington and at NATO headquarters in Brussels. In broad outline what just occurred is not unlike what Washington did in the late 1940s to initiate Cold War I.

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